1 June 30, 2018
Articles and Statements
1. Yuri F. Katorin
Battle of Gigindlovu, the End of the Zulu State
Voennyi Sbornik, 2018, 6(1): 4-9.
Number of views: 1848 Download in PDF
2. Elena Yu. LitsarevaVoennyi Sbornik, 2018, 6(1): 4-9.
Abstract:
In this article is told about the second phase of the Anglo-Zulu war 1878-1879 GG, while describes the preparations for the expedition to the land of the Zulus, Lord Chelmsforda, provides data on the size and armament of the British army, described the progress of major battles campaign Gigindlovu and Ulundi, are losing parties analyzed the reasons for the defeat of the Zulus and the implications of the defeat of the army of Cetshwayo Kampande.
In this article is told about the second phase of the Anglo-Zulu war 1878-1879 GG, while describes the preparations for the expedition to the land of the Zulus, Lord Chelmsforda, provides data on the size and armament of the British army, described the progress of major battles campaign Gigindlovu and Ulundi, are losing parties analyzed the reasons for the defeat of the Zulus and the implications of the defeat of the army of Cetshwayo Kampande.
Number of views: 1848 Download in PDF
The Format of the Six-Party Negotiations on the North Korean Nuclear Issue (2003–2010): Position of the Russia
Voennyi Sbornik, 2018, 6(1): 10-17.
Number of views: 1230 Download in PDF
3. Nicholas W. Mitiukov, Dmitry MatveevVoennyi Sbornik, 2018, 6(1): 10-17.
Abstract:
The article examines the six-party negotiation format on the North Korean nuclear issue, involving Russia, China, United States, Japan, Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and Republic of Korea, formed officially in 2003. Russia, China and Republic of Korea have promoted the idea of keeping and using this format after the settlement of North Korea nuclear crisis to address other security issues at North-East Asia, especially related to new threats. North Korea's nuclear tests, in fact, throughout the period of the negotiations on the North Korean nuclear issue showed the inefficiency of the existing political and military-force means in East Asia to counter the spread of nuclear weapons. The threat of nuclear proliferation became especially acutely in the East Asia by the beginning of the 21st century. In the spring of 2013, North Korea’s threats of nuclear attack on the United States and the Republic of Korea were the pretext for the concentration of the American military power and presence of the intelligence assets not so far from Russian Far East. Spring events of 2013 on the Korean peninsula and the aggravation of the crisis in the spring – autumn of 2017 indicate that Russian balanced policy here can be one of the key elements, governing the relations in this area of East Asia.
The article examines the six-party negotiation format on the North Korean nuclear issue, involving Russia, China, United States, Japan, Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and Republic of Korea, formed officially in 2003. Russia, China and Republic of Korea have promoted the idea of keeping and using this format after the settlement of North Korea nuclear crisis to address other security issues at North-East Asia, especially related to new threats. North Korea's nuclear tests, in fact, throughout the period of the negotiations on the North Korean nuclear issue showed the inefficiency of the existing political and military-force means in East Asia to counter the spread of nuclear weapons. The threat of nuclear proliferation became especially acutely in the East Asia by the beginning of the 21st century. In the spring of 2013, North Korea’s threats of nuclear attack on the United States and the Republic of Korea were the pretext for the concentration of the American military power and presence of the intelligence assets not so far from Russian Far East. Spring events of 2013 on the Korean peninsula and the aggravation of the crisis in the spring – autumn of 2017 indicate that Russian balanced policy here can be one of the key elements, governing the relations in this area of East Asia.
Number of views: 1230 Download in PDF
Votkinsk Plant on the Transportation’s Providing of the Volga-Caspian Canal During the First World War
Voennyi Sbornik, 2018, 6(1): 18-24.
Number of views: 1341 Download in PDF
4. Artyom Y. PeretyatkoVoennyi Sbornik, 2018, 6(1): 18-24.
Abstract:
To the beginning of the First World War, the Volga-Caspian Canal has acquired a strategic importance, especially for the Baku’s oil transit. Due to the specific hydrological conditions, the great importance for its operation had annual dredging. The article shows that a significant share of military shipbuilding orders of Votkinsk plant had a dredgers and soil-carry barges for the Volga-Caspian canal. During the war’s years, the factory has passed three dredgers and 18 soil-carry barges. Thus, the Votkinsk plant played an important role in providing military and economic transportations on Volga-Caspian Canal during the First World War.
To the beginning of the First World War, the Volga-Caspian Canal has acquired a strategic importance, especially for the Baku’s oil transit. Due to the specific hydrological conditions, the great importance for its operation had annual dredging. The article shows that a significant share of military shipbuilding orders of Votkinsk plant had a dredgers and soil-carry barges for the Volga-Caspian canal. During the war’s years, the factory has passed three dredgers and 18 soil-carry barges. Thus, the Votkinsk plant played an important role in providing military and economic transportations on Volga-Caspian Canal during the First World War.
Number of views: 1341 Download in PDF
Representations of the Cossack and Cossacks Class in the Books of N.I. Krasnov of 1860: «Citizens» vs «Warrior»
Voennyi Sbornik, 2018, 6(1): 25-41.
Number of views: 1264 Download in PDF
5. Voennyi Sbornik, 2018, 6(1): 25-41.
Abstract:
This work is devoted to the representations of the Cossack and Cossacks class in official studies written by the officer (later the general) of the Main directorate of irregular troops N.I. Krasnov in the years 1863-1870. These are «Materials for geography and statistics of Russia collected by officers of the General staff. Don Host Oblast» and two versions of «Military review of the Don Host Oblast». The author shows that N.I. Krasnov regarded the Cossacks as an extremely ineffective social institution in their early texts. In his view, the social roles of the "Cossack-citizen" and "Cossack-warrior" were incompatible. Meanwhile, the institution of the Cossacks assumed the combination of these roles from the 18th century. This put the Cossacks in a "false" or "transitional" position. For this reason, N.I. Krasnov advocated radical reforms of the Cossacks. By the end of the decade, he somewhat softened his position, but continued to consider the roles of "Cossack-citizen" and "Cossack-warrior" incompatible.
This work is devoted to the representations of the Cossack and Cossacks class in official studies written by the officer (later the general) of the Main directorate of irregular troops N.I. Krasnov in the years 1863-1870. These are «Materials for geography and statistics of Russia collected by officers of the General staff. Don Host Oblast» and two versions of «Military review of the Don Host Oblast». The author shows that N.I. Krasnov regarded the Cossacks as an extremely ineffective social institution in their early texts. In his view, the social roles of the "Cossack-citizen" and "Cossack-warrior" were incompatible. Meanwhile, the institution of the Cossacks assumed the combination of these roles from the 18th century. This put the Cossacks in a "false" or "transitional" position. For this reason, N.I. Krasnov advocated radical reforms of the Cossacks. By the end of the decade, he somewhat softened his position, but continued to consider the roles of "Cossack-citizen" and "Cossack-warrior" incompatible.
Number of views: 1264 Download in PDF